How the settlers win, how the peace camp loses: Lessons from Amona

Settlers vs. Israeli security forces, Amona 2006.
Female settler goes up against Israeli security forces in West Bank settlement outpost of Amona, February 1, 2006. Photo: AP/Oded Balilty

That mob of teenage settlers in Amona throwing rocks and bleach at the police on Wednesday was another illustration, another reminder of why tyranny has triumphed in Israel and liberalism is powerless: because the tyrants – the settlers and their supporters – are willing to fight, and we liberals aren’t.

That’s the story of the settler movement from the beginning – they gather their forces to break the law, to raise hell, to scream and cry and curse, to physically assault Israeli police and soldiers, to make their removal so arduous and to use their “agony” as emotional blackmail against Israeli Jews and their leaders, until they get their way. Amona, built illegally on private Palestinian-owned land according to one Israeli High Court of Justice ruling after another, took a decade to evacuate. And in return for their so-called pain and sacrifices, the settlers will get reimbursed by the Netanyahu government many, many, many times over.

They make me sick, these brainwashed fascists who’ve taken over the country – but I can’t help but envy them. If the peace camp had shown a fraction of their daring, of their commitment, maybe we could have given the occupation a fight. If we had mobilized crowds to physically block settlement construction, if we’d been willing to go to jail, to fight the cops and soldiers, to fight the settlers, maybe the Right wouldn’t have rolled over this country like it has. Even if we would have lost – and who knows if we would have? – at least we would have put up a struggle.

But we haven’t. With no more than a handful of exceptions, the Jewish Left in Israel doesn’t fight, doesn’t go to jail, doesn’t break the law, doesn’t disturb the peace in any way. Even if we could get hundreds of thousands of people into the street today (which is a joke), it wouldn’t make any impression on Netanyahu and the Right – we’ll go home peacefully and orderly, and the occupation regime will go on with its work without missing a beat. They face no resistance.

I don’t mean to preach – I’m no braver than anyone else. I’ve never been to jail, never gotten dragged away by cops, never been in a scuffle with soldiers or settlers, and the thought of doing it doesn’t thrill me at all. But I don’t believe that we of the peace camp are going to be able to overthrow this 50-year-long tyranny with opeds in Haaretz alone, or even in the New York Times as well, or even opeds plus petitions and peace rallies. The occupation is a vast, powerful, violent, poisonous force, and for us in the opposition to think we can bring it down without making any personal sacrifice, without paying any personal price, is a lie we tell ourselves to ease our consciences, so we don’t have to face the truth that as dissident movements in history go, the Israeli Jewish Left has been notable for its gentility and timidity.

As long as that doesn’t change, Israel isn’t going to, either.


Further reading: 

Amona evacuation (Haaretz)


Politics of an Israeli crime: The ‘lost children of Yemen’

Yemenite immigrant family in Israel, 1949
Yemenite immigrant family registering at Tel Aviv government office, 1949. Photo: Israel State Archive

Mizrahim – Jews of Middle Eastern family background – are very much in vogue in Israel. And more than ever, the large middle-class liberal camp among Ashkenazim – Jews of European family background – have become a punching bag.

This is where the Right and Left come together: The Right loves Mizrahim because they are its electoral base and hates liberal Ashkenazim because they have always been the enemy; the tiny but vocal Mizrahi Left is into Mizrahi pride and slams Ashkenazi liberals for their cultural “hegemony”; the Ashkenazi Left naturally goes along with the Mizrahi Left, while Ashkenazi liberals sit around muttering. (Disclosure: I am an Ashkenazi liberal.)

Onto this map, the decades-old tragedy and controversy of the “lost children of Yemen” has resurfaced. It basically pits the Right and Left against Ashkenazi liberals, whose socialist forebears were in power during Israel’s first years, when about 1,000 or more immigrant children from Yemen, mainly, with some from other North African and Balkan countries, went missing forever.

This week Likud cabinet minister Tsachi Hanegbi, who is in charge of a new investigation into the lost children, said hundreds of them were ‘abducted.” To his credit, though, he added the following day that from the documents he’d seen, the Ben-Gurionite establishment of the time was not behind it, contradicting what Yemenite and Mizrahi activists and their supporters charge.

I’ll cut to the chase: Despite the by-now popular belief, the early Israeli powers-that-be and their operatives did not kidnap those children and give (or sell) them to childless Ashkenazi couples. Instead, in roughly 90% of the cases, the missing children in fact died at the time in clinics and hospitals. They died because they were gravely ill when nurses in some of the transit camps convinced the parents to let them take the babies for treatment.

Not kidnapping, but criminal negligence

However, the crime that was committed by the “establishment” – who in this case were the people who ran those overwhelmingly crowded, chaotic transit camps where the Yemenites lived in utter dependence – was to lose track of which deceased baby belonged to which family. The parents couldn’t bury their children because no one knew where they were, and no one could confirm they were dead.

And so those families have naturally assumed ever since that their lost children were alive, somewhere.

But the people who ran those camps didn’t steal those 1,000 or so children who died – they lost them. The guilty party was not the Ashkenazi establishment of the time, but only the people (all or virtually all of them Ashkenazim), who were in charge of the transit camps from which the Yemenite children went missing. The crime they committed was not mass kidnapping or child trafficking, it was criminal negligence on a horrific scale.

Yemenite immigrants in Israel, 1950
Yemenite immigrants in transit camp near Ein Shemer, 1950. Photo: Pina Hams / Israel GPO

How do I know this? In 1995 I did a magazine cover story for The Jerusalem Post on the lost children of Yemen, as the third official Israeli investigation into the scandal was beginning. I talked to lots of Yemenite families and activists who made the case for a kidnapping conspiracy that stretched from the ambulance drivers all the way up to Ben-Gurion, and a cover-up that had been going on ever since.

I read about the two previous investigations that had been held. The first, in 1967-68 and headed by a police investigator and state prosecutor, studied the cases of 342 lost children, and concluded that 316 of them had died, four were alive (including two who were adopted) and 22 were unaccounted for.

The second investigation, in 1988-1994 and headed by a retired district court judge, examined an additional 301 cases of lost children, finding that 222 of them had died, 14 had disappeared before arriving in Israel, and 65 were unaccounted for.

I also talked to Dov Levitan of Bar-Ilan University, the leading academic researcher into the affair. His discovery of some 200 previously undocumented deaths of Yemenite children in the transit camps, as well as his detailing of the “humiliating, inconsiderate treatment” Yemenite families received from camp authorities, got wide media coverage in the mid-‘80s and helped bring about the second investigation of the missing children.

I talked to Ami Hovav, a private investigator of Yemenite heritage who took up the case in the mid-‘60s at the behest of Yemenite activists, and who sat on the first two investigative panels.

Levitan and Hovav told me that the vast majority of the lost children of Yemen had died back then. How did they know? Hovav:

“I’m also a Yemenite, born in Israel, and believe me, when I started researching I had a great ambition to catch these cradle-robbers. But after the first eight months or so of intense work, I saw I was finding nothing like this. Instead, I kept turning up death certificates and burial certificates [of missing Yemenite children].”

He suggested that the parents had not been informed of the deaths because hospital and camp authorities didn’t know how crucial it was to record the children’s long, unfamiliar Yemenite names in full so they could be identified. The deaths were announced, he said, by camp officials going from tent to tent with a megaphone. “If they called out ‘Yihyeh Sharabi,’ there might be 80 families with a child by that name,” he said.

Hovav also said that in hundreds of instances, the authorities would not have been too eager for the parents to know about their children’s deaths, because in burying them they would have seen, to their lasting horror, that the bodies had been dissected in autopsies.

There was, however, one very deliberate, malicious crime committed against the Yemenite immigrants, Hovav and Levitan said. Israeli immigration emissaries in Aden, the transit point for the Yemenite Jews’ flights to Israel in 1949 and 1950, tricked the bewildered immigrants out of a treasure in ancient holy books and manuscripts, as well as gold and silver jewelry. “Some immigration emissaries got rich from smuggling the property and selling it,” Levitan said.

The whole thing was a horror. And the traumatized victims, the families whose children were taken from them by Israeli officials and lost, understandably do not believe Israeli officials decades later who say evidence shows their infant sons, daughters, brothers or sisters really did die.

Uzi Meshulam death notice
Notice of July 21, 2013 death of Uzi Meshulam; day is now memorialized by Yemenite and many other Mizrahi activists in Israel. Photo: Yoram Shorek

I went to see Yigal Yosef, then mayor of Rosh Ha’ayin and the leading establishment figure among the Yemenite activists. He had lost his infant sister, Esther, in a transit camp in 1953, but he remained absolutely sure that she had been sold into adoption. As proof that she didn’t die in 1953, he showed me photocopies of her death certificate from that year, her burial certificate and her hospital pathology report listing the causes of her death: pneumonia, stomach disorders, malnutrition and other illnesses.

To me, this was obvious proof that his sister had indeed died. To Yosef, it was obvious proof that the authorities had conspired to make it look that way. How did he reach that conclusion? The death certificate was dated before the burial certificate, which was the opposite of the usual, official order, he claimed. Also, he noted, the doctor’s stamp on the pathology report wasn’t signed.

“They say she’s buried in Mahane David cemetery in Haifa,” Yosef said with a cynical laugh.

There are tens of thousands of official documents connected with the lost children of Yemen. There are death certificates, burial certificates, pathology reports, adoption records and other papers that have led three separate investigative committees, as well as Hovav and Levitan, to conclude that about 90 percent of those children died of natural causes.

To believe they were instead kidnapped and given away or sold, one must believe that those documents were forged, and that literally thousands of Israeli officials down through the decades, from nurses to prime ministers, were in on the scheme.

Finally, the conspiracy theory of the lost children of Yemen won’t wash.

Case closed? No way

In 2001, the investigative committee that had begun its work six years before, under the chairmanship of a retired Supreme Court justice, announced that of the 1,033 cases of lost children it examined, there was documentary evidence showing that 972 of them had died back then. As for the others, five had been adopted, while the fate of 56 children could not be determined.

No matter. Today a Likud cabinet minister is going through the files again, and he says hundreds of the children were abducted, and Mizrahi activists are writing op-eds, and they’re observing the death of Rabbi Uzi Meshulam, the violent, crackpot guru of the movement in the ‘90s, as the “Day of Remembrance and Awareness for the Yemenite, Balkan and Mizrahi Children Affair.”

And no one of influence will challenge their theories for fear of being branded a racist and a defender of what was, beyond a shadow of a doubt, a crime of historic scale – it just wasn’t the mind-shattering, evil conspiracy it’s now widely assumed to have been.

Yes, Israel’s Ashkenazi establishment in the old days commonly treated the Mizrahi immigrants as inscrutable primitives, and screwed them over in lots of ways. But at the same time, that socialist regime expended great efforts and made great sacrifices for them.

And they did not steal their children and give them to childless Ashkenazi couples. That is tantamount to a blood libel against Israel’s founders. The families of the lost children of Yemen cannot be blamed for spreading it; they’ve been scarred for life. But the politicians and other activists and fellow-travelers of the Right and Left who profit politically from that libel are another case altogether.

For further reading:

No ‘smoking gun’ on Yemenite children’s abduction, but hundreds didn’t just disappear, says Israeli cabinet minister (Haaretz)

Panel on Yemenite children rejects conspiracy theory (Haaretz)

Why is the Left silent on the kidnapping of Mizrahi children? (+972)

The disappeared Yemenite babies (Tablet)