Finally, somebody said it (“somebody” meaning somebody who depends on public opinon): Donald Trump’s supporters are bigots, or tens of millions of them are, anyway.
Not just that Trump himself is a bigot; there’s no risk in saying that. But to say that the masses of Americans who support this candidate who has been blaring his contempt for Mexicans, Muslims and women, and, to a lesser extent, the handicapped and black people, in the highest-profile way imaginable for the last year – to say that not all of them but that tons of them are bigots themselves: This is something no mainstream politician or media figure has said until Hillary Clinton, God bless her, said it at a New York fundraiser Friday night.
“You know, just to be grossly generalist, you could put half of Trump’s supporters into what I call the basket of deplorables. The racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic — you name it. And unfortunately there are people like that. And he has lifted them up.”
Then she talked about the other half.
“That other basket of people are people who feel that the government has let them down, the economy has let them down, nobody cares about them, nobody worries about what happens to their lives and their futures, and they’re just desperate for a change. They don’t buy everything he says, but he seems to hold out some hope that their lives will be different. They won’t wake up and see their jobs disappear, lose a kid to heroin, feel like they’re in a dead end. Those are people we have to understand and empathize with as well.”
This is about as generous and compassionate a description of Trump’s electorate as any intelligent, honest person could make. To let fully half of them off the hook, to say that half of Trump’s voters are not bigots – I think Hillary was being charitable (or politic).
But can anyone honestly take issue with her claim, which she prefaced as being “grossly generalist,” that half of Trump’s voters are bigots? Or that bigots are “deplorables”?
I don’t think so. I think everybody outside Trump’s camp knows that what Hillary said was absolutely true and at least fair. The thing is, though, she broke a taboo, one of the most powerful ones in politics: You never criticize the public. The public is always good. The public is always wise.
Nobody believes this swill, either, but there are two kinds of people who will never admit it: Those in politics and those in the mainstream media. The reason is obvious: They both depend on public opinion. They cannot go ragging vast sections of their constituencies, or audiences, as bigots and deplorables because that will alienate them. The politicians will lose their votes, the media will lose their viewership or listenership or readership. So while politicians will rag those of the rival party, and MSM people will rag those of either party, none of them will rag the public or any part of it that keeps those ragged politicians afloat. For politicians, it’s bad politics; for the MSM, it’s bad business.
And since politicians and the MSM dominate the public discussion of politics, this ridiculous notion that the public is always wise and good, and that it’s always wrong to criticize them, is allowed to stand.
What this lie does is infantilize voters, who are, remember, adults. It absolves them of all responsibility for whom they elect. It’s a view of adults in a democracy not as citizens, but as customers – who are always right, which means there’s no good politics or bad politics, there’s only the kind that sells and the kind that doesn’t. Which eventually lands us with the likes of Trump.
On Saturday, the day after she spoke her mind about her opponent’s supporters, Hillary retracted. “Last night I was ‘grossly generalistic,’ and that’s never a good idea. I regret saying ‘half’ — that was wrong. But let’s be clear, what’s really ‘deplorable’ is that Donald Trump …” bla, bla, bla.
A sign of the times: The most preferred combat unit among Israeli draftees is now the Border Police, the security forces’ most notoriously brutal unit, the lead enforcer of the occupation in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The announcement comes from the Israel Defense Forces and Israel Police, and was reported this week by Haaretz.
Why has the Border Police jumped ahead of previously most favored, legendary brigades like Golani, Givati and Paratroops? After all, the Border Police has long had the reputation as a dumping ground for the poorest, worst educated, most violent and racist Israelis, mainly Mizrahim but also some Druze and Bedouin Arabs who’ve gone over to the Israeli side with a vengeance.
What’s happened is that the only “action” left for a gung-ho 18-year-old Israeli boy anymore is in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The wars that the army’s prestigious brigades used to fight with Lebanon and Syria, and before that with Egypt, Jordan and others, seem a thing of the past; the neighboring Arab states don’t want any part of the IDF anymore. Gaza flares up every couple of years or so, but if you want sustained action for your three years’ military service, it’s in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and that means, first and foremost, the Border Police.
I had the pleasure of serving alongside them during a month of reserve duty in Gaza City in 1990, and guarding their base in the Strip for a month in 1991. They were scary; cranked on adrenaline and itching to lay into Arab flesh. I’d wake up to them revving their engines and screaming as they drove off to the refugee camps.
The question of motivation
It’s tempting to say that the upsurge in the Border Police’s popularity shows that more and more Israeli youth are attracted by the unit’s reputation for violence and cruelty toward Arabs; that would fit with the general shift to the Right in Israeli society, especially among young people. But such a conclusion would be premature: Not every 18-year-old Israeli boy or girl who wants action in uniform is a racist or sadist, by any means.
The thing is, though, you can’t rule out attraction to anti-Arab violence and cruelty as a reason for the Border Police’s new popularity, because everybody knows where they work and whom they police, and everybody knows their reputation. It’s kind of hard to imagine an 18-year-old choosing that unit if he or she and their family had a serious problem with “aggressive tactics” against the Palestinians, or with the occupation at all.
No doubt many of them would say, “I don’t hate Arabs, I just want to fight terror, and the Border Police are on the front line.” Yes, the Border Police are on the front line against terror, but they’re also Israel’s front-line goon squad against Palestinians who aren’t terrorists, and so it’s impossible to argue that they don’t create terrorists, too. The unit is saturated with Arab-hatred and brutality; these are at the core of its unofficial “battle heritage.” A given Border Police recruit may simply want to fight terror, but he or she has to know that they will be fighting very, very dirty.
Another thing that can be deduced from the unit’s new status is that the stigma which once attached to it is gone.
Also gone is the once-common notion that the proper role of Israeli soldiers is to defend their country against attack by enemy armies, not to police a foreign, subject population.
Netanyahu has destroyed that liberal Zionist argument. There’s only one case against the occupation still standing.
Centrists and center-leftists in Israel and abroad, liberals who think of themselves as practical, as realistic, as “muscular,” have been saying for decades that they want to end the occupation not for the Palestinians’ sake, God forbid – no, they want to end it for Israel’s sake. These are tough-minded people, after all, nothing naïve or effete about them.
Well, gang, well, Zionist Unionists and Yesh Atidniks, liberal Zionists all, you don’t have a case anymore. Netanyahu has destroyed it.
Look around. The occupation is going strong – and Israel’s doing great, just like Bibi says. We’re as safe as we’ve ever been. The “lone-wolf intifada” is basically over; we beat the Palestinians again. Mahmoud Abbas squawks, but he makes sure his troops are hard at work in the West Bank every day, protecting us. And Hamas? Pretty soon we’ll have an Iron Dome beneath the ground to stop their tunnels along with the one above ground that stops their rockets. What are they going to do?
The economy’s doing fine, about as good as that of any Western country, and better than many. BDS? It’s become a fundraising pitch for AIPAC, a new “project” for the machers. It makes a lot of Jewish students uncomfortable at American colleges; for Israel it’s a useful punching bag.
Oh, but we’re becoming isolated abroad, right? Here’s how isolated we are: Netanyahu figuratively pissed in Obama’s face in front of Congress last year, and since then he’s gone on building up settlements as much as he pleases – and all that’s left to decide is whether the U.S. will give Israel an additional billion dollars a year on top of the annual $3 billion, or sweeten the arrangement even more.
Europe? The French peace initiative? It’s all Netanyahu can do to keep a straight face.
But here’s the real beauty part – making peace with our Arab neighbors, the big prize waiting for us if we agree to a Palestinian state? We’re making peace with our Arab neighbors now! The Saudis love us! The Egyptians love us! Not the people, of course, but who cares? The Arab dictators, the Arab armies that are fighting these Islamic radicals, that hate Hamas, Iran and ISIS – we’re their enemies’ enemy, so they’re our friends! They couldn’t care less about the Palestinians, they want our intelligence, our technology, our leverage in Washington. The “New Middle East”? It’s finally starting to happen, thanks to the government of Bibi Netanyahu, Avigdor Lieberman and Naftali Bennett!
This is the sort of thing Netanyahu’s been telling the media in these briefings lately, and he’s not lying. He is steering Israel’s ship goddamn well.
So, muscular liberals, you really want to try to take down the occupation – now? You want to tell 100,000 settlers – at least – to leave their homes, you want to uproot Hebron, Yitzhar and all those other fanatical armed camps – when everything’s going so smoothly and there’s nothing but blue skies on the Israeli horizon? Why?
For Israel’s sake? Are you that crazy?
No. No, this just isn’t rational, not anymore. You don’t mess up Israel’s good thing and pitch the country into chaos, into extreme civil strife and maybe civil war because you want to do what’s best for Israel. No, that argument is finished.
If you want to be tough-minded and realistic, if you want to look out for Israel’s practical self-interest, then give up this idea of ending the occupation – and get behind Bibi. Look around the country, see how good the Jews have got it here, see how pitiful the Palestinians are, how impotent our Western critics are, and admit that you were wrong and Bibi was right all along. You want to do what’s best for Israel, then look into those cold eyes of his and start seeing the world his way.
Nope, there is no practical, realpolitik case for ending the occupation anymore. There is no more ending the occupation for Israel’s sake. There is only one reason left to end it: for the Palestinians’ sake. Because what we’ve been doing to them for the last half-century is immoral, forbidden. And in so doing, Israel has become an immoral country.
If you don’t believe that, muscular liberals, then have the guts to admit that for Israel’s sake – its material sake, anyway – Bibi is the man. But if you do believe that Israel has indeed become an immoral country, then have the guts to stop speaking the language of practical self-interest and start speaking the language of conscience. Speak up for an end to the occupation – for the Palestinians’ sake, for the sake of restoring Israel’s lost morality; it’s the same thing. There is no other honest case against the occupation left to be made.
Originally published September 1 on Haaretz.com as “All You Centrist, Liberal Zionists: Netanyahu’s Destroyed Your Case for Ending the Occupation.”
I understand that America’s white working class, in general, gets a charge out of Trump because he channels their hatreds. What I don’t get is why they also think he’s going to deliver them economically, that he’s going to get them better paying, more secure jobs, a better deal all around.
Don’t they see that he doesn’t care about them, that his whole life is about me, me, me and nothing else? He hasn’t exactly tried to hide it, after all. Don’t these white people without college educations, who are hurting for money and whose lives and futures are pretty shaky, understand that they are part of that wide swath of humanity whom Trump refers to as “losers”?
To the white working class, Trump is not “one of us,” to say the least, not economically or any other way – and he doesn’t pretend to be. He’s had the cushiest life imaginable; there’s nothing about him that anybody but another rich asshole could identify with. So why do these throngs of “common,” often suffering American men and women believe he’s the answer to their economic troubles and fears? I get the hatred he brings out in them; I don’t get the love.
And this leads me to a very dark speculation: that the “common man” doesn’t want a leader he can identify with, and who treats him as an equal – he wants somebody “better” than him, somebody “above” him, somebody untouchable, somebody to whom he is eager to subordinate himself.
These white Americans wait by the thousands for his “TRUMP”-emblazoned plane to land while the loudspeakers are blaring Wagner or some other heroic symphonic theme – it’s like Elvis in Vegas. Trump is rich, he retains traces of his former handsomeness, he’s vain, he has beautiful women, he makes strong men quake, and he wears a permanent expression of haughty disapproval – this is what the American common man and woman have been lapping up for the last year. They don’t want a president, they want a king, somebody they can bow to.
It grows out of the authoritarian, disciplinarian traditions of America’s white working class, it comes from a culture of hierarchy and obedience.
What does this remind me of? It reminds me of how the Israeli counterpart of America’s white working class – the Jewish, largely Mizrahi, working class – worshipped Bibi Netanyahu when he rose to become prime minister in the 1990s. (Their ardor has since died down; after all this time, working class Jews no longer pin their personal economic hopes on Netanyahu, but they still trust him to bash the Arabs and the Left for them.)
Poorly educated Jews, most of them Mizrahi, went crazy for Netanyahu in those days – and he bore no resemblance to them. A professor’s son from Jerusalem’s upper-crust Rehavia neighborhood, high school in America, degrees from M.I.T., rich, famous – and with an unmistakably superior air. Plus, he was by far the most pro-business, anti-union, anti-poor-people leader Israel had ever seen. Yet the amcha, the working class, notably the Mizrahim, idolized him.
I think that story was the same one we’ve been seeing with Trump and his crowds. It’s the story of people from an authoritarian culture of obedience wanting a leader who’s above them, a king they can bow to.
This, as much as anything, is what’s soured me on the worldview of the Left: The masses really are asses. They don’t care about equality, they don’t care about justice, what they want most is to march behind an invincible leader who will wipe out the enemy tribes. I don’t believe in the working class, I believe in educating them into the educated class, and then maybe they’ll become less racist and less smitten with the likes of Netanyahu and Trump.
If describing Israel’s actions toward the Palestinians as “genocide” were the only thing wrong with the Black Lives Matter** platform, I would endorse it with a caveat over that one word, which is grossly inaccurate. Otherwise, the platform’s brief take on Israel is harsh but accurate. In fact, it could have gone further and condemned Israel for its periodic acts of military aggression against Lebanon and Syria. And as far as its description of Israel as an “apartheid state” goes, that’s nothing that Ehud Barak, Ehud Olmert, Ami Ayalon, and Tzipi Livni, for starters, haven’t clearly implied.
No, the problem with the BLM platform, released last week, isn’t the couple of paragraphs on Israel, it’s the 37,000 other words on America. The document describes the United States as an evil country, one that deliberately crushes black people and other “marginalized” groups at home and abroad. It’s a description of apartheid-era South Africa, or of Mississippi in 1956, but not of America in 2016. It reflects the thinking of the truly loony left.
The platform begins with the section on the U.S. criminal justice and school systems, titled “End the war on black people.” Is America really waging war on black people? Some police are, some jurors are, Donald Trump and many of his supporters are, but America as a whole? Bullshit. And the proof goes way, way beyond a black man being in the White House. There are black people throughout the halls of American power, there is a large black middle class, there is institutionalized affirmative action for blacks in colleges and government jobs – and all this has been going on for two generations. “War on black people”? That’s light years from the truth.
You’d never know from this platform that any black person in jail was anything but an innocent victim of the system’s racism. You’d never know there were murderous black gangs and other criminals, or that black people were being killed by them at appalling rates. You’d never know that so many poor black schoolchildren lived in soul-killing homes and neighborhoods, and that this might have something to do with why they were failing in school, instead of it all being down to America’s “school-to-prison pipeline.”
But this is BLM’s view of America at home. And its view of America abroad? From the “Invest-Divest” section, the one that discussed Israel:
America is an empire that uses war to expand territory and power. …
[R]esources and funds needed for reparations and for building a just and equitable society domestically are instead used to wage war against a majority of the world’s communities. …
US arms and military corporations have made billions of dollars in profit off of waging disaster and destabilization in the Middle East, while increasing western control over the land and resources of the region. …
In 2006, AFRICOM was established by the US government to expand US military presence on the continent under the claim of protecting the region against “terror” and “radical Islam”. In reality, this effort was designed to expand western colonial control over the region, its people and their resources. …
The interlinked systems of white supremacy, imperialism, capitalism and patriarchy shape the violence we face. As oppressed people living in the US, the belly of global empire, we are in a critical position to build the necessary connections for a global liberation movement. …
This is a description of an evil empire. If it’s accurate, then Barack Obama, as leader of the empire, is the No. 1 enemy of blacks in America and everywhere else. I don’t see how it’s possible to endorse Black Lives Matter without loathing Obama and everything he stands for. And not just Obama – the whole Democratic Party.
When I first heard about BLM, it was from their protests of the police killings of unarmed blacks that were turning up on videos. Those films shook me up, and I thought BLM was brave and right to protest police racism and violence. I had the exact same reaction to their protests at Trump rallies. While I found their protests at Ivy League colleges ridiculous – America’s elite colleges aren’t racist, they’re anti-racist – I figured BLM was still doing more good than harm, and I saw them, on balance, as a positive force in America, as being on the front lines challenging racism where it really existed.
But the understanding of America expressed in this platform – it’s deranged. Sure, there’s a lot in it that I and many other liberals agree with – like the need to raise taxes on the wealthy, legalize drugs and prostitution, pay reparations to blacks for slavery, put fewer people, especially blacks, in jail, and constantly look for ways to help improve the lives of poor people, especially children. But these things are far outweighed by the platform’s glaring distortions of American reality – the reality of poor black ghettos, of police, of school officials, of the military, of American power at every level.
Black Lives Matter cannot fairly be called an American progressive movement. It is an anti-American, anti-Western, doctrinaire far-left movement. It is the Black Panther Party without the violence. With all due respect to their protests against police racism and Trump, BLM’s worldview is beyond the liberal/progressive pale.
** The platform wasn’t drawn up by Black Lives Matter alone, but The Movement for Black Lives, which includes over 50 organizations aligned with BLM. I use “Black Lives Matter” as shorthand because of its name recognition.
For liberals, one of the lessons of the Trump campaign is that they and the Democratic Party have to start paying more attention to the economic pain of America’s white working class, which Trump has turned to his advantage in such a startling way.
These people without a college education are the ones left behind by the Obama recovery, left behind by the modern global, high-tech economy in general, and the Democratic Party, which used to speak for this class, doesn’t any longer and this has to change, according to the new liberal consensus.
I don’t doubt the economic pain of people who have no job security, whose salaries and benefits have steadily declined, and whose prospects for the future look no better. What I do doubt, though, is that Trump’s economic pitch – to bring back the good old days of American factory work – is up there among the main reasons why he’s getting such huge support from these people.
I doubt it because blue-collar America didn’t just start declining now; it started in the 1980s, and even a little before. Where have these working-class whites been all this time with their demands to reverse free trade?
These Trump voters are Republicans and right-leaning Independents; why have they been supporting pro-free-trade, pro-1%, anti-union, anti-safety-net Republicans for decades? Why did they, and why do they still, worship Reagan, who broke the mold on this economic policy, and who did more to screw American workers, not to mention the American poor, than any other president?
GOP’s old name for Trump’s economics
Before Trump, the Republicans had a term for the complaint that workers were getting hammered and Wall Street was the enemy: “class warfare.” Only Democrats preached class warfare, and the white working class wasn’t having it – if they voted, they voted Republican.
So why have they suddenly woken up? Why, for the first time since they left the Democrats and flocked to Reagan in 1980 (if they hadn’t left as part of Nixon’s “silent majority” in 1968, or as part of his 1972 landslide over the Bernie Sanders of the day, George McGovern) are they talking like proletarians?
Because the new, working-class economics that Trump is serving them comes packaged in the good old Republican wrapping that they always grab for – hatred of Washington, politicians, the media, the Democrats, Obama, the Clintons, immigrants, Muslims, as well as blacks, women and gays who aren’t grateful for all their advantages.
Plus, many if not most of them really like Trump’s style, which is also new. Many respect his wealth, seeing it as proof of his ability and believing he’ll use it to get them a better break. Many also see his beautiful women and his exciting life, and hero-worship him.
Take away Trump’s Republican political and social themes, take away his personality, his billions and his celebrity and make him a Democrat running against free trade and for bringing back factory jobs to America – would working-class whites be interested? I don’t think so.
I know, Bernie Sanders also appealed to working-class whites with the same basic approach to trade and jobs. But I’m convinced that many of these people didn’t know he was a holdover from the late-‘60s New Left, and that once they found out – as they most certainly would have in a general election – they would have fled in droves to the Republicans, to the Libertarians or stayed home.
By and large, America’s working-class, high-school-educated whites are not proletarians, or anyway that is not an important part of their identity. No, they’re nationalists. And nationalists need enemies. That’s what the Republicans have given them, it sure as hell is what Trump has given them, and this is the decisive reason they love Trump.
Protectionist economics? That’s icing on the cake.
I have to wonder if these voters even believe it, if they believe there’s something a president can do to get their jobs back from overseas, to rebuild the factories and revive industrial unions and guarantee their employment, good wages and benefits, regular raises and the rest of what was once on offer in blue-collar America. It’s gone. It’s been dying in pieces for almost 40 years. The technological revolution and globalization killed it off; how do you reverse that combined force?
Anybody who tells Americans with no more than a high school diploma that there’s a way to get them into the middle class – other than by upgrading their education – is lying through his teeth. Leave that to Trump; Democrats don’t have to imitate him.
Mizrahim – Jews of Middle Eastern family background – are very much in vogue in Israel. And more than ever, the large middle-class liberal camp among Ashkenazim – Jews of European family background – have become a punching bag.
This is where the Right and Left come together: The Right loves Mizrahim because they are its electoral base and hates liberal Ashkenazim because they have always been the enemy; the tiny but vocal Mizrahi Left is into Mizrahi pride and slams Ashkenazi liberals for their cultural “hegemony”; the Ashkenazi Left naturally goes along with the Mizrahi Left, while Ashkenazi liberals sit around muttering. (Disclosure: I am an Ashkenazi liberal.)
Onto this map, the decades-old tragedy and controversy of the “lost children of Yemen” has resurfaced. It basically pits the Right and Left against Ashkenazi liberals, whose socialist forebears were in power during Israel’s first years, when about 1,000 or more immigrant children from Yemen, mainly, with some from other North African and Balkan countries, went missing forever.
This week Likud cabinet minister Tsachi Hanegbi, who is in charge of a new investigation into the lost children, said hundreds of them were ‘abducted.” To his credit, though, he added the following day that from the documents he’d seen, the Ben-Gurionite establishment of the time was not behind it, contradicting what Yemenite and Mizrahi activists and their supporters charge.
I’ll cut to the chase: Despite the by-now popular belief, the early Israeli powers-that-be and their operatives did not kidnap those children and give (or sell) them to childless Ashkenazi couples. Instead, in roughly 90% of the cases, the missing children in fact died at the time in clinics and hospitals. They died because they were gravely ill when nurses in some of the transit camps convinced the parents to let them take the babies for treatment.
Not kidnapping, but criminal negligence
However, the crime that was committed by the “establishment” – who in this case were the people who ran those overwhelmingly crowded, chaotic transit camps where the Yemenites lived in utter dependence – was to lose track of which deceased baby belonged to which family. The parents couldn’t bury their children because no one knew where they were, and no one could confirm they were dead.
And so those families have naturally assumed ever since that their lost children were alive, somewhere.
But the people who ran those camps didn’t steal those 1,000 or so children who died – they lost them. The guilty party was not the Ashkenazi establishment of the time, but only the people (all or virtually all of them Ashkenazim), who were in charge of the transit camps from which the Yemenite children went missing. The crime they committed was not mass kidnapping or child trafficking, it was criminal negligence on a horrific scale.
How do I know this? In 1995 I did a magazine cover story for The Jerusalem Post on the lost children of Yemen, as the third official Israeli investigation into the scandal was beginning. I talked to lots of Yemenite families and activists who made the case for a kidnapping conspiracy that stretched from the ambulance drivers all the way up to Ben-Gurion, and a cover-up that had been going on ever since.
I read about the two previous investigations that had been held. The first, in 1967-68 and headed by a police investigator and state prosecutor, studied the cases of 342 lost children, and concluded that 316 of them had died, four were alive (including two who were adopted) and 22 were unaccounted for.
The second investigation, in 1988-1994 and headed by a retired district court judge, examined an additional 301 cases of lost children, finding that 222 of them had died, 14 had disappeared before arriving in Israel, and 65 were unaccounted for.
I also talked to Dov Levitan of Bar-Ilan University, the leading academic researcher into the affair. His discovery of some 200 previously undocumented deaths of Yemenite children in the transit camps, as well as his detailing of the “humiliating, inconsiderate treatment” Yemenite families received from camp authorities, got wide media coverage in the mid-‘80s and helped bring about the second investigation of the missing children.
I talked to Ami Hovav, a private investigator of Yemenite heritage who took up the case in the mid-‘60s at the behest of Yemenite activists, and who sat on the first two investigative panels.
Levitan and Hovav told me that the vast majority of the lost children of Yemen had died back then. How did they know? Hovav:
“I’m also a Yemenite, born in Israel, and believe me, when I started researching I had a great ambition to catch these cradle-robbers. But after the first eight months or so of intense work, I saw I was finding nothing like this. Instead, I kept turning up death certificates and burial certificates [of missing Yemenite children].”
He suggested that the parents had not been informed of the deaths because hospital and camp authorities didn’t know how crucial it was to record the children’s long, unfamiliar Yemenite names in full so they could be identified. The deaths were announced, he said, by camp officials going from tent to tent with a megaphone. “If they called out ‘Yihyeh Sharabi,’ there might be 80 families with a child by that name,” he said.
Hovav also said that in hundreds of instances, the authorities would not have been too eager for the parents to know about their children’s deaths, because in burying them they would have seen, to their lasting horror, that the bodies had been dissected in autopsies.
There was, however, one very deliberate, malicious crime committed against the Yemenite immigrants, Hovav and Levitan said. Israeli immigration emissaries in Aden, the transit point for the Yemenite Jews’ flights to Israel in 1949 and 1950, tricked the bewildered immigrants out of a treasure in ancient holy books and manuscripts, as well as gold and silver jewelry. “Some immigration emissaries got rich from smuggling the property and selling it,” Levitan said.
The whole thing was a horror. And the traumatized victims, the families whose children were taken from them by Israeli officials and lost, understandably do not believe Israeli officials decades later who say evidence shows their infant sons, daughters, brothers or sisters really did die.
I went to see Yigal Yosef, then mayor of Rosh Ha’ayin and the leading establishment figure among the Yemenite activists. He had lost his infant sister, Esther, in a transit camp in 1953, but he remained absolutely sure that she had been sold into adoption. As proof that she didn’t die in 1953, he showed me photocopies of her death certificate from that year, her burial certificate and her hospital pathology report listing the causes of her death: pneumonia, stomach disorders, malnutrition and other illnesses.
To me, this was obvious proof that his sister had indeed died. To Yosef, it was obvious proof that the authorities had conspired to make it look that way. How did he reach that conclusion? The death certificate was dated before the burial certificate, which was the opposite of the usual, official order, he claimed. Also, he noted, the doctor’s stamp on the pathology report wasn’t signed.
“They say she’s buried in Mahane David cemetery in Haifa,” Yosef said with a cynical laugh.
There are tens of thousands of official documents connected with the lost children of Yemen. There are death certificates, burial certificates, pathology reports, adoption records and other papers that have led three separate investigative committees, as well as Hovav and Levitan, to conclude that about 90 percent of those children died of natural causes.
To believe they were instead kidnapped and given away or sold, one must believe that those documents were forged, and that literally thousands of Israeli officials down through the decades, from nurses to prime ministers, were in on the scheme.
Finally, the conspiracy theory of the lost children of Yemen won’t wash.
Case closed? No way
In 2001, the investigative committee that had begun its work six years before, under the chairmanship of a retired Supreme Court justice, announced that of the 1,033 cases of lost children it examined, there was documentary evidence showing that 972 of them had died back then. As for the others, five had been adopted, while the fate of 56 children could not be determined.
No matter. Today a Likud cabinet minister is going through the files again, and he says hundreds of the children were abducted, and Mizrahi activists are writing op-eds, and they’re observing the death of Rabbi Uzi Meshulam, the violent, crackpot guru of the movement in the ‘90s, as the “Day of Remembrance and Awareness for the Yemenite, Balkan and Mizrahi Children Affair.”
And no one of influence will challenge their theories for fear of being branded a racist and a defender of what was, beyond a shadow of a doubt, a crime of historic scale – it just wasn’t the mind-shattering, evil conspiracy it’s now widely assumed to have been.
Yes, Israel’s Ashkenazi establishment in the old days commonly treated the Mizrahi immigrants as inscrutable primitives, and screwed them over in lots of ways. But at the same time, that socialist regime expended great efforts and made great sacrifices for them.
And they did not steal their children and give them to childless Ashkenazi couples. That is tantamount to a blood libel against Israel’s founders. The families of the lost children of Yemen cannot be blamed for spreading it; they’ve been scarred for life. But the politicians and other activists and fellow-travelers of the Right and Left who profit politically from that libel are another case altogether.
In Hebron, the evil of the occupation is most plainly visible. Shuhada Street, once a busy commercial row, has been off limits to Palestinians for over 20 years, the homes and shops welded shut, the turquoise awnings marked by Stars of David and anti-Arab graffiti. Above the nearby souk hangs a chain-link and cloth netting that catches at least some of the rocks, dirty diapers, bleach and urine poured down frequently on vendors and shoppers by residents of the Avraham Avinu and Beit Hadassah buildings, in clear view of two IDF lookout posts. The 1,000 or so settlers, protected by the army, go around like masters over their Palestinian subjects. There is no more radical, racist, violent Jewish community in the West Bank.
The most infamous of Hebron’s settlers is Baruch Marzel, who for the last quarter-century has been the leader of Kach, which is outlawed in this country for racism and incitement to terrorism and in America for just plain terrorism. On Sunday it was revealed that many soldiers stationed in Hebron spend their Shabbat lunch as guests at Marzel’s home in the settlement’s Tel Rumeida enclave.
This tidbit came out in the testimony of Sgt. Elor Azaria, who is on trial for shooting to death a Palestinian assailant in Hebron after the latter had already been shot several times and was lying all but motionless on the ground.
“Tel Rumeida is a family-like post, civilians can go into the post. Baruch Marzel would invite us, the whole company, to eat lunch with him every week at Shabbat lunchtime. The company commander and the battalion commander would eat with him. It never raised a problem. … We used to eat at Baruch’s every Shabbat, he’d treat us and give us the best.”
Azaria went on to describe Marzel as “a good man. He would also treat us with chocolates and drinks when we were doing guard duty.”
It’s always bothered me that 19-year-old Israeli boys and girls are sent to guard a community where there may be some debate over Yigal Amir, who murdered a Jew, but there’s doubtless none over Kach alumnus Baruch Goldstein, who murdered Muslims. Now it turns out the soldiers are not only guarding the settlers, they’re being adopted by the worst of them.
I remember one Friday in the early 1990s, two Palestinian laborers were murdered in the West Bank and eyewitnesses said the killers were settlers. Marzel, whose movement naturally came under suspicion, said on the radio, “We had nothing to do with this, but when I heard the news it really enhanced my oneg (celebration of) Shabbat.” I asked him later if he stood by those words. “Of course,” he said, describing the double murder as “holy work.”
Marzel is the leader of a movement that produces and glorifies Arab-killers. He himself has a record of criminal violence that includes assaults on Palestinians, a peace activist and an Israeli policeman. He has organized Purim parties in tribute to Goldstein’s Purim massacre of 29 Muslims. He has called publicly for Uri Avnery’s assassination.
He preaches violence against gays, too. After the stabbing of three marchers in the 2005 Jerusalem Gay Pride Parade (by Yishai Schissel in a prelude to his murder of Shira Banki 10 years later), Marzel said, “The stabbing incident during last year’s parade will seem minor in comparison with what is anticipated this year. We have to declare a holy war [to] stop crimes in Jerusalem and acts of sodomy.” He also was on hand to help stir up racist, at times violent protests in South Tel Aviv against African refugees.
The Boston-born Marzel is Israel’s answer to the imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. This is the man who hosts Sgt. Elor Azaria’s “whole company to eat lunch with him every week at Shabbat lunchtime.”
How long has this been going on? How does the army allow this? Now that it’s been reported, I wonder if Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman will put a stop to it; after all, it was Marzel and a couple of other Kach elder statesmen who ratted him out some years ago for having been a Kach activist at Hebrew University, something Lieberman naturally denies.
But the defense minister may well have missed the news about the hospitality being laid on for the troops by the grand dragon of Tel Rumeida; several major news outlets didn’t mention it at all. Which shouldn’t be too surprising. We’re talking about Hebron, the occupation’s heart of darkness. We send our children there to serve their country. If that’s unremarkable, so is oneg Shabbat with Baruch Marzel.
Originally published in Haaretz.com on July 26 under title “Why Are Israeli Soldiers Fraternizing With Hebron’s Most Racist, Terrorist-inciting Settlers?”
Since the slaughter in Nice, there seems to be an argument between Western liberals and conservatives over how to deal with ISIS, with the liberals arguing for democracy and conservatives arguing for war. (Here, here, here and here.) I won’t even go into the specifics of the arguments because anybody who hasn’t heard them should be able to predict them by now; what I will say, though, is that it’s a false argument.
The liberal West, led by Obama and Hollande, is at war with ISIS, and in the wake of Nice, Hollande at least is escalating it. In the last two years the U.S.-led coalition has launched many thousands of airstrikes against ISIS and other jihadist groups in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan and Yemen, and they’ve killed many thousands of ISIS members and other jihadists.
I’m not hearing liberals say they want this bombing to slow down, or for France to relax its surveillance of terrorist suspects, so why are they arguing?
Because while the West is at war with ISIS, the Western public – left, right and center – doesn’t know it. There are few Western troops on the ground in the war zones, few are getting killed, there’s no military draft, and nobody has the patience to read about the fighting in the Middle East, so the only time Westerners tune into ISIS is when there’s an ISIS-linked terror attack in a Western city. As far as the man on the Western street can see, ISIS is blasting away at him and his side isn’t doing anything.
In France you get Marine Le Pen saying, “The war against the scourge of fundamentalism hasn’t started. It must now be declared.” Such absolute bullshit. The French are world-beaters when it comes to fighting Islamic terror. Yes, there is still terror in France. There’s also still terror in Israel – does anyone suggest that Israel isn’t at war with terrorists?
No, because Israelis, being conservatives, are always trumpeting how hard they’re fighting the enemy. (But within Israel, the relative liberals like Rabin and Peres were always accused by conservatives like Netanyahu of doing nothing against terror; same bullshit, and it worked every time.) Same thing when Americans were being taken hostage by Iran and Hezbollah; Reagan never made any military move and even gave the Iranians arms, while Carter at least tried a military assault to free them in Iran – yet Reagan was considered tough on terror and Carter was considered a wimp. Why? Because Reagan, being a conservative, knew how to talk shit about war, while Carter, being a liberal, didn’t.
It’s saber-rattling time
Same with Obama, same with Hollande, and same with Hillary, at least in comparison to that chickenhawk Trump. They have to start rattling sabers against ISIS, they have to tell the public every day about all the bastards they’re killing in the Middle East. This is what the man on the Western street wants to hear – and rightly so. ISIS and its sympathizers are a force of evil, a menace to the Middle East and the West, they’re horrifying people with their killing and people need to know that their side is fighting back. In the absence of that knowledge, people are becoming demoralized and turning into easy prey for the likes of Trump and Le Pen. And if these two take over in America and France, which seems more likely since Nice, they really will turn the fight against ISIS into a fight against all Muslims, which is not how liberal leaders like Obama and Hollande are fighting it now.
All the more reason for liberals to support the war against ISIS, to support escalating it … if they even know there’s a war on.
First, white people have to admit that American police have been killing black people without cause from the beginning, and it’s still going on. We’ve heard the stories from black people for decades – no matter who they are, no matter their station, no matter how innocent they may be, they know they are vulnerable, possibly to the point of life endangerment, anytime they are stopped by police.
But I should have – it’s been going on forever. When I was a reporter in L.A. in the early 1980s and covered the LAPD, the big story was the chokehold killing of James Thomas Mincey, who’d been stopped for a broken windshield. It turned out that the LAPD had a habit of choking black suspects to death – 12 in seven years. Police Chief Daryl Gates offered a possible explanation: “We may be finding that in some blacks, when [the chokehold] is applied the veins or arteries do not open up as fast as they do on normal people.”
That was a decade before Rodney King. Later, from New York, we heard about Amadou Diallo, shot 41 times for pulling out his wallet, and Abner Louima, who was arrested outside a nightclub, taken to jail and sodomized with a broken-off broom handle by police.
This, of course, is only a partial list, including some of the better-known names. Who knows how many black people got killed by police for no good reason before the advent of cellphones and police dashboard cameras?
It should be understood that I’m not saying all cops are violent racists. Nor am I saying that every cop seen killing a black person on video was necessarily in the wrong. According to witnesses and evidence, Michael Brown, the teenager killed in Ferguson, had tried to take policeman Darren Wilson’s gun and had not surrendered, as first believed, but appeared poised to charge the much smaller cop when he was shot to death. (See pages 80-81.)
Based on the videos of the two latest killings, it may be that Alton Sterling was going for his gun and the Baton Rouge cops on top of him shot in legitimate defense of their lives. Or it may not be. In the case of Philando Castile in Minnesota, his girlfriend says – and her account has not been challenged – that he was getting his registration out, as ordered, and told the cop he had a licensed gun in his pocket before he was shot. The killing of Castile looks wrong.
It should also be understood that textbook racism – simple race-based malice – does not explain every unjustified killing or use of violence by American police against blacks; after all, black cops have been guilty of it, too. But going back over the parade of these wrongful killings in recent decades – not to mention those before the civil rights era, when America was a segregated, quasi-apartheid country – it’s clear enough that textbook racism played a part. American police forces may or may not have an unusually high percentage of racists in their ranks, but they no doubt have at least their share, and the racists among them get to carry guns and wield tremendous power.
Aside from simple malice toward black people, what’s likely going on in a lot of cops’ heads, especially in tense situations, is the stereotyping of blacks as violent criminals – because a vastly disproportionate number of American blacks are, in fact, violent criminals. However, the vast majority of American blacks are, of course, law-abiding citizens, and for them the sorts of police attitudes that have been played out again and again on black victims throws a shadow over their lives.
What it does to blacks in general
After the killings of Sterling and Castile, my cousin saw a Facebook status from a black friend: He wrote that he’d been unable to concentrate at work, he was emotionally overcome, so he went into the bathroom to collect himself – and inside there were other black employees in the same condition.
John McWhorter, a Columbia University linguist and social critic often criticized for being more conservative than a black intellectual should be, wrote in February that the accounts he’s heard over and over from middle-class blacks about police maltreatment has changed his views on that issue:
Talk to most black people about racism and you need only count the seconds before the cops come up. … What I found when I spoke with people after the [O.J.] Simpson verdict … and have found since with numbing regularity, is that what prevents real racial conciliation and understanding in America is the poisonous relations between blacks and the police.
Hard to argue with that today. This is what white people in America ought to admit: Too many black people have been abused or killed by too many white cops for too long, it’s still going on, and it represents a demoralizing threat to all American blacks. If white America admitted to this, it might be a start toward changing things.
Second, what blacks ought to admit
But for the sake of racial reconciliation and understanding in America, there’s a truth that black people ought to admit as well: that the inordinate degree of violent crime in poor black neighborhoods cannot be blamed solely or evenly largely on white racism, from the police or anybody else. America is not a quasi-apartheid country anymore, it hasn’t been for a half-century, and in that time America has poured a huge amount of money and effort into reversing the effects of centuries of slavery and institutionalized racism, and it’s time that the gang members and other criminals who plague poor black neighborhoods be held responsible for their actions – they and especially their parents – instead of automatically blaming white society for it.
There is a very large, thriving black middle class, and the great majority of black people who are poor manage not to become criminals, so the problem is not, as leftists like to say, “structural.” The problem is a minority subculture within poor black communities that generates an incredible amount of crime and violence.
The problem in perspective
Orlando Patterson, a black Harvard sociologist and leading researcher of black America, last year described the country’s largely black “inner cities” as places where “a great majority of residents are law-abiding, God-fearing and often socially conservative.” He wrote that 80-85% of them are either middle class, working class or working poor “who labor incredibly hard, advocate fundamental American values and aspire to the American dream for their children. Their youth share their parents’ values, [and] expend considerable social energy avoiding the violence around them …”
But at the same time, Patterson wrote in the New York Times, all inner-city neighborhoods contain a minority of about 12 to 28 percent made up mainly of young, high-school dropout, chronically unemployed people. Here is how he describes this element:
With few skills and a contempt for low-wage jobs, they subsist through the underground economy of illicit trading and crime. Many belong to gangs. Their street or thug culture is real, with a configuration of norms, values and habits that are, disturbingly, rooted in a ghetto brand of core American mainstream values: hypermasculinity, the aggressive assertion and defense of respect, extreme individualism, materialism and a reverence for the gun, all inflected with a threatening vision of blackness openly embraced as the thug life.
This minority population within black America explains the depressing statistics – that a black person is almost eight times more likely to commit murder than a white person, and six times more likely to get murdered.
Two separate issues
Police racism didn’t create this subculture. Neither did Donald Trump. Neither did Bill Clinton’s crime bill or “mass incarceration.” The legacy of slavery and Jim Crow, along with remaining racial prejudice, may have something to do with it, or it may not, but it’s senseless by now to keep fobbing off the existence of this subculture on white racism. It does black people no favors – especially not those who make up nearly all the victims of these criminals. Also, it’s a false accusation against white America.
So for the sake of trying to heal the country’s racial divide, what black people ought to admit is that the disproportionately high rate of violent crime by blacks is firstly and maybe even lastly the fault of violent black criminals.
The other side of the coin, again, is that whites ought to stop fobbing off the age-old tradition of police killings and brutality against innocent blacks onto the victims, or onto the misdeeds of other black people.
These are two separate problems, but together they account for America’s current racial divide, and a way to begin solving it is for white people to face up to police racism and black people to face up to black violent crime. Let both sides – and these days they do seem like two sides – start with the truth.